Part 1: Prolegomena
Indeed, that was an apt and true reply which
was given to Alexander the Great by a pirate who had been seized. For when that
king had asked the man what he meant by keeping hostile possession of the sea,
he answered with bold pride, “What you mean by seizing the whole earth; but
because I do it with a petty ship, I am called a robber, while you who does it
with a great fleet are styled emperor.” — Augustine, City of God IV:4
Whatever else is true of the events since
March 2020, we have seen excellent examples of rich and powerful people doing
as they please with those who cannot defend themselves. The biggest names in
anti-COVID mitigation measures, millionaires all, never missed a day of work or
a paycheck, but my barber and my Peruvian cacao farming Christian brother, both
of whom have considerably smaller budgets, missed months of both.
The question most Christians ask about the
situation is, Does the government have the right to shut down the economy?
But to phrase the question that way is to ask if one abstraction has the right
to act on another abstraction. This is absurd because abstractions do not act,
nor can they be acted upon, nor do they have rights. If “government” is anything
tangible, it is people so powerful (and usually rich) that no one can defend
himself against them. So, the better way to phrase the question is, Do rich
and powerful people have the right to forcibly prevent those who cannot defend
themselves from peaceably providing goods and services to their neighbors in
voluntary exchange for what they themselves need?
This is a subset of the larger question that
is usually phrased, What is the proper function of government? I will
argue in this series of posts that that also is an absurd question. Government
is an abstraction, so it cannot function. The proper question is, How are
rich and powerful people to treat those who cannot defend themselves against
them?
On the basis of Romans 13:1–7, the
conventional wisdom says that because the “authorities” (exousiai)
have been “instituted by God” they are therefore entitled to, among other
things, collect taxes because they are “God’s servants devoted to governing.” A
man from Mars reading that passage before landing on earth would expect to see nothing
but orderly societies run by God’s servants in the political class using tax
revenue for the good of their subjects. Would he be surprised at the reality
today? Would he have been surprised at what he saw if had landed in the Rome of
Paul’s day?
Of course not. But the problem is even worse
than that. What if there were a Christian—a devotee of sola Scriptura who
truly wanted to serve God—and he were put in charge of a government’s budget: where
would he go in Scripture to find guidance for a just tax structure and for where
the money should go after it is collected? I was told by one respected
Christian leader that taxation can be theft, but is not always, but when asked where
Scripture distinguishes the two, he had no answer. Another told me that because
Scripture does not address tax rates they are not a moral issue—which I take to
mean that tax rates of 5%, 50%, and 95% are equally moral. As anyone familiar
with the Laffer curve can attest, those rates would have drastically different
effects in the real world, and to say that taxpayers have no moral argument
against being taxed into financial ruin seems at best a counterintuitive way to
defend the rights of the poor (Jer 5:28). So where
does our sola Scriptura Christian magistrate go for wisdom—to John
Maynard Keynes?
If a Christian can get no practical guidance
in the fundamentals of just governance—taxation being the sine qua non of
government—from Scripture, how can we expect God to direct the heathen to
govern justly? If they will not believe the law and the prophets and would not
believe if someone returned from the dead (Luke 16:31), how will they know what
justice is, and how will their hearts receive the wise words that describe it?
Will God give them special revelation?
I argue in this series that nobody but nobody
has the right to kill innocent people, take their property, defraud them, or
defame them (Rom 13:8–10). Winning an election or a war does not entitle a
person to do as he pleases with the lives, property, trust, or reputations of
those who cannot defend themselves against him. I will be challenging the
conventional wisdom on Romans 13:1–7, so I will present in the second installment
an interpretation of that passage that keys off of Romans 13:8–10.
The conventional wisdom
The conventional wisdom is that God has
instituted the family, the church, and the state. We can see where God
institutes the family (Gen 2:24) and the worshiping community (Exod 20–23). I
argue that while God gives laws that govern human conduct, he nowhere
institutes a state; he nowhere ordains some people to take for any purpose the
lives and property of innocent people. He nowhere makes some people exempt from
the prohibitions against murder, theft, fraud, or defamation.
Three thousand years ago, the people of God
were the freest people the world had ever known or has ever known since. They
had been living in a stateless society: “There was no king in Israel” (Jdg 17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25). They paid no taxes. When they
obeyed God, their nation was safe from enemies foreign and domestic: “the land
had rest” for forty years twice (Jdg 3:11; 8:28) and
eighty years once (Jdg 3:30). But the day came when
they forgot God. They turned their backs on the perfect law (Ps 19:7) God had
given them, despised the times God had delivered them from their enemies
despite their sin (1 Sam 12:8–11), and committed great wickedness by demanding
a king (1 Sam 12:17). This sin was so heinous that God said that he would not
remove the punishment even if they repented (1 Sam 8:18). No matter—they did not
repent.
The mentality that drove that revolt is still with
us today and has been since at least the Reformation. Matthew Henry speaks for
the majority of Christians when he famously writes, “Better
a bad government than none at all,” this following the words, “Never did
sovereign prince pervert the ends of government as Nero did, and yet to him
Paul appealed, and under him had the protection of the law and the inferior
magistrates more than once.”[1] What is this “government”? What can be so wonderful that its absence is more to
be feared than even its most maleficent forms?
Luther, Calvin, every major Puritan writer,
Kuyper, and every major “Bible-based” writer today echo the sentiment. Reformed
Christians, as have their Baptist brethren, have stood shoulder to shoulder
with tyrants since the beginning, and as the world suffers through the greatest
moral crisis at least since the Third Reich—some would look at the
unprecedented global scale and say in all of history—the “Bible-believing”
church is at best helpless to fight the moral decline and descent into tyranny
and at worst helping it along, with the insouciant majority somewhere in the
middle.
In what way does today’s church resemble what
Jesus was talking about when he said, “I will build my church, and the gates of
Hades will not prevail against it” (Matt 16:18)? Europe and the United States
could have passed for Christendom a century or so ago, but today, the church,
if not in retreat, is certainly losing ground, and these societies are better
known for sexual immorality, political corruption, warmongering, and now
man-made pestilence—much if not all of it made possible by government.
The state
Government
(or the state) for the purpose of this essay is defined as those
people who are rich and powerful enough to force their will on other people.
They can prohibit their neighbors from peaceable activities and force their
neighbors to act contrary to their choice and even to their welfare. They can
make rules for others that they themselves do not have to obey. They are those
to whom the poor and defenseless cannot say no.
Scripture makes it clear that it is God who
has ordained these people to be rich and powerful and enabled them to impose
their will on those who cannot resist them, but I will argue that he has not
thereby allowed them to take the life or property of innocent people, to
defraud them, or to defame them. Innocent is, of course, a loaded term
in Scripture. Ultimately, no one is innocent in God’s sight. For our purposes
here, however, I define innocent as “not guilty of violating the body, property,
reputation, or trust of a person similarly not guilty.”
Is this the Scriptural definition of
government? “There was no king in Israel” during the period of the judges, so
whatever a king is, there was none in Israel then. First Samuel 8 describes government
using Samuel’s description of what the Israelites were asking for:
He will conscript your sons and put them in his chariot
forces and in his cavalry; they will run in front of his chariot. He will
appoint for himself leaders of thousands and leaders of fifties, as well as
those who plow his ground, reap his harvest, and make his weapons of war and
his chariot equipment. He will take your daughters to be ointment makers,
cooks, and bakers. He will take your best fields and vineyards and give them to his own servants. He will
demand a tenth of your seed and of the produce of your vineyards and give it to
his administrators and his servants. He will take your male and female
servants, as well as your best cattle and your donkeys, and assign them for his
own use. He will demand a tenth of your flocks, and you yourselves will be his
servants. (1 Sam 8:11–17)
In a word, they were asking to return to
Egypt and live under a Pharaoh, someone exempt from the laws that governed the
rest of them and against whom they were helpless (cf. Deut 17:16).
Romans 13:1–7 assumes that government is put
in place by God, that it brings judgment and retribution, that it serves God,
and that it collects taxes. However, note the pronoun “it.” (I follow the NET
here.) Many translations quite understandably regard the abstract exousia (“authority”; vv. 1b, 2a, 3b[,c]) as a
metonym for the concrete and human exousiai (“people
in authority,” v. 1a), archontes (“rulers,” v.
3a), and diakonos (“servant,” v. 4a, [b,] c).
Government is thus not fundamentally an “it.” It is a “them.” It is people.
While the conventional reading of Romans 13:1–7 considers them a special
privileged class, I will argue that that is not the best way to read the
passage.
The questions to be addressed here are these:
How are Christians to relate to their neighbors? How are defenseless Christians
to relate to the rich and powerful? How are rich and powerful Christians to
relate to the defenseless? What does any of this have to do with fulfilling the
Great Commission?
The gospel defined
This is my understanding of the gospel:
God is good. People have rebelled against him and so deserve nothing but his
eternal wrath. Jesus died to pay the penalty of that rebellion for those who
repent, believe the gospel, and join in calling the world to repent. The church
is repentant sinners calling sinners to repent. As sinners repent and believe
the gospel, their lives change as individuals, families, and larger social
structures, and we should see societies characterized by people of integrity
promoting justice, peace, and prosperity. But going back to square one, if
people are to believe the church’s call to repentance—that is, to respond to
the Great Commission—Christians have to live out their own repentance. If they
live out their repentance—if they truly become disciples who make disciples
fulfilling the Great Commission—they will build just, peaceful, and prosperous
societies. And for that, they will have to know what it is not only to love God
above all else with their entire being and walk humbly with him but how to love
their neighbors as themselves, to do justice, and to love mercy. The state as Scripture
and the conventional wisdom define it is inimical to the entire Christian
purpose.
God does indeed want Christians, as part of
the Great Commission, to work toward building a just society; in such a society
everyone is truly equal before the law—there are no exceptions—and the rights
of the poor and insignificant carry the same weight as those of the rich and
powerful. Such a society and only such a society is truly just; because it is
just it is peaceful; because it is peaceful it is prosperous. Such a society
will have no state.
The biblical case for anarchy
The Israelites in Egypt were under the
government of a king, but when they came into their promised land, they were not
(Jdg 17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25): under Othniel, “the
land had rest for forty years” (Jdg 3:11); under Ehud
and the judges who succeeded him, “the land had rest for eighty years” (Jdg 3:30); under Gideon, “the land had rest for [another]
forty years” (Jdg 8:28), a record that was never
matched after the establishment of the monarchy. Had they really been better
off under government in Egypt than they were without it in the promised land?
Were the Christians under the government of Nero better off in earthly
terms than the Israelites were with no government in the days of the
aforementioned judges? If your answer is no, you should enjoy reading on.
It is easy to see where God ordains the family
(Gen 2:24) and where he ordains the church (Matt 16:18; John 20:22; Acts 2:4).
But Scripture nowhere bestows on one group of people the right to do as they
please with the lives and property of their innocent neighbors, even in the
name of the latter’s welfare; that is, God nowhere ordains the state.
The argument that the judges were kings in all
but name is an argument from silence. A state begins with taxation, but the
Torah—which devotes mind-numbing detail to items that seem to be important
(e.g., the tribal offerings, Num 7:12–83), no matter how private (e.g., how men
are to clean up after nocturnal emissions, Lev 15:17), and therefore cannot be
accused of lacking attention to detail—says not a word about a taxation system,
nor does it speak of a standing army, road construction, public schools, or any
other supposed benefit we associate with the state. The closest it comes to
establishing a state is in Deuteronomy 17:14–20, which is a concession, not a
prescription. Israel in the promised land had no king, no state, no government.
So if government, the state, some people
entitled to tax and govern—“exercise continuous sovereign authority over,” in
Webster’s words—their neighbors, is not God’s design for society, God’s best, what
is?
Well, what is the most important thing God
wants us to keep in mind? When Jesus was asked that question, he said, “‘Love
the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, and with all your
mind.’ This is the first and greatest commandment. The second is like it: ‘Love
your neighbor as yourself.’ All the law and the prophets depend on these two
commandments” (Matt 22:37–40). Would God’s best for his people—for all
people—not flow from consistent obedience to those two commandments?
What it means to love God
If God’s best for his people does indeed
flow from consistent obedience to the commands to love God above all and our
neighbors as ourselves, we need to ask what it means to love God, what it means
to love our neighbor, and what Jesus meant when he said that loving our
neighbor is “like” loving God.
We are to love God first, but the nature of
that love is not what comes first to modern minds. We tend to think of love as
a feeling that overflows in words, but confessions of love for God are rare even
where we would expect to find them, in the Psalms (18:1; 116:1)—as are claims
to praise him (71:6,8; 119:164).[2]
Instead, the Psalms speak of loving God in terms of obeying his word (Ps 1:2;
119:47, 48, 97, 113, 119, 127, 159, 167). Love seems to hinge on obedience to
God’s commands: “If you love me, you will obey my
commandments. . . . The person who has my commandments and obeys them
is the one who loves me. . . . If anyone loves me, he will obey
my word” (John 14:15, 21, 23). This echoes Moses’s words in Deuteronomy: “What
does the LORD your God require of you except to revere him, to obey
all his commandments, to love him, . . . ? . . . What I am commanding
you today is to love the LORD your God, to walk in his ways, and to obey
his commandments, his statutes, and his ordinances. . . . I also call on
you to love the LORD your God, to obey him and be loyal to
him” (10:12; 30:16, 20).
I assume that at some level the man who asked
Jesus about the most important commandment (Matt 19:16) knew that to show his
love for God he needed to obey the commands; he was asking where to begin,
where to concentrate his efforts. Jesus’s answer was, in essence, “You do not
begin with the minutiae of the ceremonial laws; you begin with loving your
neighbor.” If we take the idea of love as gushy feelings, then we’re still at
square one. But, of course, he gave the man, and by extension us, measurable
criteria with which to judge our compliance with that command and thus with the
first: “Do not murder, do not commit adultery, do not steal, do not give false
testimony, honor your father and mother, and love your neighbor as yourself”
(Matt 19:18–19). Paul repeats much of this in Romans 13:8–10: “The commandments,
‘Do not commit adultery, do not murder, do not steal, do not covet,’ (and if
there is any other commandment) are summed up in this, ‘Love your neighbor as
yourself.’ Love does no wrong to a neighbor. Therefore, love is the fulfillment
of the law.”
This is not to equate love with obedience. No
one obeys perfectly, and even those who do well can sense that they lack
something (Matt 19:16). But love for God and man shows itself in obedience
(James 2:17–18), specifically respect for the life, property, trust, and
reputation of the neighbor.
What it means to love the neighbor
The commandments against murder, theft,
fraud, and slander are not invitations to get as close to those activities as
possible without crossing the line as they are commands to stay as far away
from those activities as possible.
Thus, the true meaning of “Do not murder” is
more like “protect and preserve your neighbor’s life” than “it’s OK to beat him
or otherwise afflict him as long as you do not kill him.” The parable of the
Good Samaritan (Luke 10) and the teaching about judgment day in Matthew 25 make
it plain that there is more to loving one’s neighbor than not harming his body:
we are to actively promote his health and physical welfare. But that promotion
has to be built on the foundation of doing no harm to him or to anyone else.
Similarly, “do not steal” is not a license to
damage property or borrow it unbidden as long as we do not maintain possession
of it. Rather, we are to actively enable our innocent neighbors to acquire
physical resources (Matt 25:35–36) and to protect them from those who would
expropriate them (Ps 82:3; Jer 5:28). John the
Baptist defined the repentance to which he called people by saying, “The person
who has two tunics must share with the person who has none, and the person who
has food must do likewise” (Luke 3:11). John the apostle adds, “Whoever has the
world’s possessions and sees his fellow Christian in need and shuts off his
compassion against him, how can the love of God reside in such a person?” (1
John 3:7). Promoting our neighbor’s material good has to begin with considering
everyone’s property sacrosanct; while we may be called to give up our own
property for our neighbor’s benefit, we are not to take from one neighbor to
benefit another.
The commands against adultery and false
witness both have to do with transgressions against truth. Adultery is simply
the worst form of fraud. A man who commits adultery has taken a woman’s
virginity, which she can only give once, under the condition that she will have
exclusive rights to that man; to go against that condition later is fraud.
Anytime anyone promises to give something later in return for something now and
does not come through, he has committed fraud.
Similarly, bearing false witness in court is
the worst form of defamation. Slander is defamation outside of court, and
gossip, while it does not deal with untruths, still conveys facts to those who
have no business knowing them such that the betrayed person’s reputation suffers
unjustly. Bearing false witness in court exposes the victim to fines,
imprisonment, and possibly death.
According to Jesus and Paul, then, the most
important thing for us to remember as we seek to please God is to protect
innocent people, their property, their trust, and their reputations. Christian
discipleship requires more than this, but it requires no less: this is where it
begins. The second commandment is, in Jesus’s word, “like” the first because we
cannot obey the first without obeying the second.
Tetranomy introduced
Here is the primary message of this series:
nobody but nobody has the right to kill innocent people, take their property,
or defame them. Nobody but nobody can legitimize killing innocent people by
using a different term (like “collateral damage”) for it. Nobody but nobody can
legitimize taking innocent people’s property by calling it by another name,
even “taxation” or “regulation” or “zoning” or “eminent domain.” Nobody but
nobody can defraud or defame his neighbor and justify it by calling it a “cost
overrun” or “a campaign promise that was impossible to fulfill” or “a noble
lie.” Nobody but nobody can defame his neighbor and justify it by calling it “spin.”
I call the resulting ethos, based on these four laws, for lack of an extant
term, tetranomy.
The world is full of practical problems. My
claim here is that those practical problems can be solved without resorting to
any of the practices just mentioned. Without such practices, the world would
look very different from how it looks today. Eminent domain, for example, makes
possible the highway system that arguably enables better movement of goods and
services than what would exist without it. However, the system also results in
urban sprawl, increased exhaust emissions, and the scattering of families and
weakening of family ties; and, of course, those who lose their proper-ty to eminent domain—by definition the
powerless—lose what is proper‑ly theirs—to those who are by definition more powerful—and
thus suffer injustice. I will argue that correcting this injustice, while it
might make the solutions to the practical problems more difficult, would bring
about increased peace and increased prosperity in the ways that truly count. It
is of no profit for a society to gain material abundance and forfeit its soul (Mark
8:36).
A matter of the heart
I will address the text of Romans 13:1–7
in a later post, but first, let me address what I think is the issue of the
heart. I’m assuming that most of the people I talk to are typical: they
consider government—some people rightly controlling other people—essential to a
just society and the activities Samuel describes in 1 Samuel 8—military
conscription, eminent domain, patronage—simply part of the price that needs to
be paid. This is life the way God intended, and they are prepared to give
thanks for every part of it. Why?
Why do Christians want to consider taxation
a sacred part of life? Why do they want the rich and powerful—the “authorities,”
the “powers that be”—to have God’s permission to do as they please with the
poor and defenseless? I understand that they want the rich and
powerful to defend the rights of the poor and defenseless, and this is why they
want Christians and Christ-like thinking to permeate the political
power structure (the good intentions of Abraham Kuyper come to mind), but is it
not the rich and powerful by definition who act against the poor and
defenseless? “Are not the rich oppressing you and dragging you into the courts?”
(Jas 2:6). How likely are rich and powerful elite non-Christians (or
Christians, for that matter) to work against their own interests for the sake
of the poor and defenseless? Why do Christians prefer a system that
privileges some at the expense of others to one in which all are equal?
Could it be because they think they are good
people and they—or those with whom they sympathize—receive positive benefits
from the state and believe that any system that benefits good people like them
is thus by definition a good system? Many times I have heard something like, “Public
schools can be good. I got a
good education in the public schools. They have problems, but we should work to
fix the problems, not abolish the schools.” Ditto, mutatis mutandis, for
the Americans with Disabilities Act, the highways, sports venues, the War on
Drugs, the wars on racism, communism, terror, COVID-19, ad infinitum, and other
supposed exceptions to tetranomy. Is it not worth at least considering the
possibility that good people can benefit from evil systems? Does the benefit
that good people derive from a system justify that system?
The issue is not whether schools, provision
for the disabled, highways, and sports venues are good things or whether some
evils need to be resisted forcibly; it is rather whether God wants Christians
to continue to live under the command to hold life and property sacred when
they make those provisions and resist those evils or whether the basic commands to love our neighbors by
protecting their lives, property, reputations, and trust can be suspended when
we decide they need to be.
Does the scriptural view of human nature say
that those who have power over others would not use it for their own benefit?
That they would never fool themselves into thinking that they are sacrificing
alongside those whom they are oppressing when in fact they are doing nothing of
the sort? Does “The heart is deceitful above all things and desperately wicked.
Who can know it?” (Jer 17:9) not apply to the rich
and powerful who win wars and elections?
I assume all Christians really do want the
poor and helpless and afflicted to be taken care of and provided for. My
argument is that this is more likely to happen under a system in which all
people are bound as much as possible by the duty to protect life, property, and
truth than they are in a system that allows some people to violate others’
property and lives. “As much as possible” here brooks no legitimate exception:
people are sinners, so they will sin, and the system needs to provide for
defense against, prosecution of, restitution by, reconciliation with, and, if
necessary, execution of malefactors. However, these provisions must be made in
a context of respect for innocent life, property, and truth; the system must be
voluntary and treat all participants equally.
The first objection the Christian reader is
likely to make to my claims thus far is, “Why didn’t God think of that? Romans
13:1–7 assumes that God has ordained some people to govern others.” In my next
post, I will show that the conventional wisdom about that passage is simply
wrong, but here I explain that conventional wisdom.
The conventional wisdom on Romans 13:1–7
Let us begin by noting that the
conventional wisdom does not take the passage at face value. A face-value
reading gives the “governing authorities” (NET, ESV) carte blanche: “The
authorities that exist have been instituted by God. So the person who
resists such authority resists the ordinance of God” (13:1–2). The ordination
of the authority (the person) extends to his decrees: he speaks for God, in
loco Dei, and his decrees are thus God’s will. “. . . (for rulers cause no
fear for good conduct but for bad.) Would you have no fear of the one who is in
authority? Then do what is good, and you will receive his approval, for he is
God’s servant for your good. But if you do wrong, be afraid . . . . For he is
the servant of God, an avenger who carries out God’s wrath on the wrongdoer.”
There is no room there for a difference between the decree of the authority and
the will of God. The text does not say that the ruler should cause no
fear for good conduct, that he should approve good behavior, or that
he should carry out God’s wrath on the wrongdoer; rather, it says that
this is what he does. In matters of governance, then, in a face-value
reading of our passage, the governing authority speaks for God and must be
obeyed in every detail.
Here the conventional wisdom departs from the
face-value interpretation by appealing—and reasonably so—to Acts 5:29, “We must
obey God rather than men.” My point is not that this appeal is wrong; it is
that by making this appeal, the conventional wisdom departs from the face-value
interpretation of our passage and posits that there are times when the
governing authority can speak without divine authority.
(It also violates two exegetical principles.
By reading the didactic Romans passage in the light of the narrative passage
from Acts, it violates the principle that narrative is not normative but
didactic passages are. It also reads the later revelation—Romans was written
after the events in Acts—in the light of the earlier revelation.)
The logical question, then, is when do governors overstep their
authority? The conventional answer is, “When they prohibit us from worship [or
from evangelism]” or “When they command us to break God’s law [again usually
defined as worship or evangelism].” Do they overstep their bounds if they
prohibit peaceable activities, as when the US government made it illegal to own
gold? How about if they force people to engage in risky activities, like being
injected with experimental substances, or even silly ones, like wearing useless
“face coverings” in public? More importantly, how
does one determine whether the governor has overstepped his bounds, and what
recourse does one have if he does? If we cannot look to Romans 13:1–7, the
putative plainest statement of the legitimacy of government, where can we look?
If we look at Acts 5:29, we are simply going around the circle again. So how do
we get out of the circle?
The stepping-off place is precisely where it
is in Romans 13: the “love your neighbor” verses, verses 8–10. This is a
restatement of Jesus’s answer to the question about the commandment that is “like”
the greatest commandment and from which no one is exempt. Stated positively, it
commands us to treat our innocent neighbors, their property, their reputations,
and their trust as inviolable. Nobody but nobody has the right to violate these
things, nobody but nobody has the right to command that they be violated, and
nobody but nobody has the right to obey such commands. Ergo, whenever government
commands that innocent people be physically harmed, expropriated, defrauded, or
defamed, it is overstepping its bounds. This condemns “collateral damage” and
military conscription, taxation and eminent domain, broken campaign promises,
and propaganda.
What about Romans 13:6, which assumes that we pay
taxes? That verse is a statement of fact, not a command, but the question is
legitimate and will be dealt with in the exposition.
An exegetical presupposition
Let me state an important presupposition on
which I am basing my exposition: I presume that the highest priority of any
state is to stay in power. Scripture attests to this abundantly: The king of
Sodom was willing to give up his entire fortune as long as he had people to
rule over (Gen 14:21). Even after Egypt had been destroyed (Exod 10:7), the
Pharaoh of the exodus was not willing to let go of his power over the
Israelites. Saul knew that God was against him (1 Sam 13:14) and that David
would someday be king (1 Sam 24:20), yet he never abdicated; instead, he hunted
David until his dying day. Herod apparently was so desperate to hold on to his
power that he felt he needed to eliminate the threat of a toddler (Matt 2:16).
Would we expect the emperor of Rome to be any
different? It would be bad enough for him to have Jews in Rome, those odd
people who claim that there is no god but their God. While they had their
religion and caused trouble by trying to shake off Roman rule over their
homeland, they were in no position to threaten to overthrow the empire by
assassinating the Emperor. But an offshoot of that religion that was even more
fanatical might be worrisome, saying as it does that the one who would
eventually rule the world had been born, had died, and had come back to life;
he had gone off to the afterlife but could be expected to come back at any time
and set up his rule. (Think of how afraid Herod was that John the Baptist had
come back from the dead, Matt 14:2.) Even the Jews did not go that far!
No ruler looks in the mirror and sees an unjust
man, and one symptom of the face-saving that characterizes non-Christian
religions is that justice is whatever the party that wins armed conflict says
it is, a corollary being that the further from godly justice the decrees of
ungodly rulers are, the less likely those rulers are to countenance debate or
dissent.
We do not know how many Christians were in
Rome to read Paul’s epistle. Conceivably dozens or hundreds of Roman Jews could
have been converted in Jerusalem at Pentecost (Acts 2:10, 41) and returned. If
they were able to make disciples themselves in the subsequent twenty-five years
or so, there could have been thousands of Christians in Rome when the epistle
arrived. This was less than ten years before the great fire in Rome and Nero’s
subsequent notorious persecution of the Christian community. I think it
reasonable to assume that the Roman Christian community was visible and a
matter of some concern to the Roman government.
As surely as water runs downhill, the Roman
government would have sent spies into the Christians’ midst to find out what
they were planning—or to look for disenchanted former members who would be
willing to tell their secrets. How the people of God were to interact with
godless rulers was a question that believers had been facing for centuries, and
Paul needed to balance the unjust laws all too familiar to his readers with the
jeopardy he was putting his readers in by mentioning those laws generally, let
alone specific instances. He thus had to lay any question of the emperor’s
legitimacy or morality between the lines.
Am I reading too much into the passage? Allow
me to call your attention to the book of Esther, which is notable in part
because the most important character in it, the God of the Jews, is nowhere
mentioned; the reader needs to enter with presuppositions and read between the
lines to arrive at the message of the story. Further, note how the book up to
2:18 introduces the situation: the king as a model of hospitality and fun, the
party as a rich Presbyterian wedding reception, the queen as an irrational
rebel, and the gathering of the virgins as the chance of a lifetime for a girl
to become royalty. Is it unreasonable to read the king as a dissipate monster,
the event as a tax-funded drunken orgy, the queen as stripped of her dignity,
and the gathering of virgins as kidnap and sex slavery? The former reading is
that of the conventional wisdom regarding Romans 13:1–7, the latter of tetranomy.
I do not know whether the Christians in Rome
had read the book of Acts or heard of Peter and John’s words to the Sanhedrin, “We
must obey God rather than man,” such that they could have heard our passage
read and automatically responded, as modern Christians do, “That’s all well and
good, but we have to obey God rather than man,” let alone that they would have
thought to say, “That’s what rulers are supposed
to do, but his rule is legitimate even if he doesn’t.”
What I do know is that after Paul lays out his
case in verses 1–7, he reminds his readers what they surely knew because Jesus
had said the same thing (Matt 7:12; 22:40): “Love your neighbor as yourself”—as
measured by respect for life, property, trust, and whatever other commandment
there might be—was the fulfillment of the law (Rom 13:8–10). This, I submit, is
the lens through which we are to read our passage and is the basis of what will
follow in subsequent posts.
Part Two is here.